Notes

Notes on Names and Terms

1. See map in Eugene Arima and John Dewhirst, “Nootkans of Vancouver Island,” in Wayne Suttles, ed., Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 7: Northwest Coast (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1990), 392. This work provides a concise study of Nootka ethnology. See also Eugene Arima and Alan Hoover, The Whaling People of the West Coast of Vancouver Island and Cape Flattery (Victoria: Royal BC Museum, 2011).

2. Métis are people of mixed Native and European descent, with a distinct culture.

Preface

3. Archaeologists and tree experts had discovered numerous Native heritage sites and culturally modified trees—immense trees, still standing, that had seen human use hundreds of years earlier: for example, bark stripped from them or canoe forms cut out of the trunk. The distinguished archaeologist John Dewhirst completed his report for the Nuu-Chah-Nulth Tribal Council (NTC) on the Native history and sites of occupation on Meares Island. His longstanding scholarship on this subject dates to his research with William Folan at Nootka Sound and Eugene Arima (and others) in other NTC locations. See Folan and Dewhirst, eds., The Yuquot Project, 3 vols. (Ottawa: Historic Parks and Sites Branch, Parks Canada, 1980–1981); Arima and Dewhirst, “Nootkans of Vancouver Island.”

4. Decisions and issues discussed in David M. Rosenberg and Jack Woodward, “The Tsilqot’in Case: The Recognition and Affirmation of Aboriginal Title in Canada,” UBC Law Review 48:3 (2015): 943.

Introduction

5. Here the authority is Philip Drucker, The Northern and Central Nootkan Tribes (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of America Ethnology, Bulletin 144, 1951).

6. William Reid, with photos by Adelaide De Menil, Out of the Silence (Toronto: New Press, 1971), 18, 21.

Acknowledgements

7. Although it is now on Flores Island, Ahousat, the original home of the Ahousaht people, was on Vargas Island. John Walbran notes that the name means “people living with their backs to the land and mountains,” which is more appropriate to the village site on Vargas than the one on Flores. Walbran, British Columbia Coast Names, 1592–1906 (Vancouver: J.J. Douglas, 1971), 14.

Chapter 1

8. John Dewhirst, “Nootka Sound: A 4,000 Year Perspective,” in Barbara S. Efrat and W.J. Langlois, eds., “Nu-tka—The History and Survival of Nootkan Culture,” Sound Heritage 7, no. 2 (1978): 1.

9. Foreword to Earl Maquinna George, Living on the Edge: Nuu-Chah-Nulth History from an Ahousaht Chief’s Perspective (Winlaw, BC: Sono Nis, 2003), 6.

10. In the 1950s the Government of British Columbia awarded certain tree farm licences in the area to logging companies. One licence in Clayoquot Sound was awarded to BC Forest Products on condition that the company build a road around Kennedy Lake. When completed (after much drilling and blasting of the rock face), this road connected to a logging road owned by the Kennedy Lake Logging Division of MacMillan Bloedel, which in turn connected to the Tofino-Uclulet highway. Logging roads of the Sproat Lake Division were linked to the whole, thus forming Highway 4 from Tofino/Ucluelet to Alberni, which opened in 1959. In short, the logging truck access was a feature in ending the isolation of Tofino and thus Meares Island. See Howard McDiarmid, Pacific Rim Park (published by the author, 2009), 35.

11. Father A.J. Brabant’s Reminiscences first appeared, serially, in 1900 in Messenger of the Sacred Heart, published in New York, under the title “Vancouver Island and its Missions.” In 1925 the Reminiscences were included in Charles Moser, Reminiscences of the West Coast of Vancouver Island (Victoria, BC: Acme Press,1926). Moser succeeded Father Brabant in charge of the Hesquiat Missions in 1910. In 1977 the enterprising Charles Lillard, conscious of the need to retain the integrity of Brabant’s work, edited a new version: Mission to Nootka, 1874–1900: Reminiscences of the West Coast of Vancouver Island (Sidney, BC: Gray’s Publishing, 1977).

12. Philip Drucker, Cultures of the North Pacific Coast (Scranton, PA: Chandler, 1965), 25.

13. Conversation with Peter Webster, April 19, 1989. For additional details of Webster’s recollections of time and place, see his As Far as I Know: Reminiscences of an Ahousat Elder, illustrated by Kayatsapalth (Campbell River, BC: Campbell River Museum and Archives, 1983).

14. Vincent A. Koppert, Contributions to Clayoquot Ethnology, Anthropology Series No. 1 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America, 1930), 1, 4–7.

15. Hoskins’ narrative, March 1792, in Frederic W. Howay, ed., Voyages of the “Columbia” to the Northwest Coast 1787–1790 and 1790–1793 (1941; Portland, OR: Oregon Historical Society Press in cooperation with The Massachusetts Historical Society, 1990), 279–80.

16. [Admiralty], The Vancouver Island Pilot: Containing Sailing Directions for the Coasts of Vancouver Island, and Part of British Columbia (London: Hydrographic Office, 1864), 181.

17. B. Magee, log of the Jefferson, quoted in Mary Malloy, Boston Men on the Northwest Coast: The American Maritime Fur Trade 1788–1844 (Kingston, ON: Limestone Press, 1998), 115.

18. Extract of the navigation by Pantoja, late May 1790, in Henry Raup Wagner, ed., Spanish Explorations in the Strait of Juan de Fuca (1933; New York: AMS Press, 1971), 170.

Chapter 2

19. The reader is referred to the essential work on this topic, Robert Lloyd Webb, On the Northwest: Commercial Whaling in the Pacific Northwest 1790–1967 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1988), ch.1.

20. For discussion, see Barry Gough, Juan de Fuca’s Strait: Voyages in the Waterway of Forgotten Dreams (Madeira Park, BC: Harbour Publishing, 2012). On the various passages reputed to exist, see appendix to Gough’s Fortune’s a River: The Collision of Empires in Northwest America (Madeira Park, BC: Harbour Publishing, 2007).

21. An Act of 18 Geo. II, c. 17 (1744) offered a reward of 20,000 pounds sterling for a passage through Hudson Bay to the Pacific; the Act of 16 Geo. III, c. 6 (1776), amended it for the discovery of “any northern passage“ for vessels by sea between the Atlantic and Pacific. This latter act came into effect on the eve of Cook’s sailing. Other promises were made to Cook by those in power, but the details are matters of speculation. He sailed with every expectation of advancement, social and financial.

22. Robert Ballard Whitebrook, Coastal Exploration of Washington (Palo Alto, CA: Pacific Books, 1959), 45–53.

23. Richard E. Wells, Calamity Harbour: The Voyages of the Prince of Wales and the Princess Royal on the British Columbia Coast 1787–1788 (Sooke, BC: Richard E. Wells, 2002), Appendix 2—which reprints a letter from Captain Duncan to George Dixon, 1791, from Dixon’s Further Remarks on the Voyages of John Meares (London: Stockdale and Goulding, 1791).

24. J. Richard Nokes, Almost a Hero: The Voyages of John Meares, R.N., to China, Hawaii, and the Northwest Coast (Pullman: Washington State University Press, 1998).

25. F.W. Howay, “Early Relations with the Pacific Northwest,” in Albert Taylor and Ralph Kuykendall, eds., The Hawaiian Islands (Honolulu: Captain Cook Sesquicentennial Committee and the Archives of Hawaii Commission, 1930), 36.

26. I discovered these characteristics when researching his life for a biographical entry in The Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 5 (1983), http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/meares_john_5E.html.

27. On the origins of the trade in British hands, see Vincent T. Harlow, The Founding of the Second British Empire, 1763–1793, vol. 2: New Continents and Changing Values (London: Longmans, 1964), 419–31; on Meares’ character, see 432.

28. A close reading of Meares’ account always repays dividends. The full title is John Meares, Voyages Made in the Years 1788 and 1789, from China to the North West Coast of America, to Which Are Prefixed, An Introductory Narrative of a Voyage Performed in 1786, from Bengal, in the Ship Nootka; Observations on the Probable Existence of a North West Passage; and Some Account of the Trade between the North West Coast of America and China; and the Latter Country and Great Britain (London: Logographic Press, 1790). Henceforth cited as Meares, Voyages. His forty-page account of the fascinating “introductory voyage” appears as a preface.

29. Various sources may be consulted on this subject, including Horace Davis, Record of Japanese Vessels Driven Upon the Northwest Coast of America and its Outlying Islands (Worcester, MA: Charles Hamilton, 1872); and especially Katherine Plummer, The Shogun’s Reluctant Ambassadors, rev. ed. (Portland: Oregon Historical Society Press, 1991).

30. Meares, Voyages, 143; and more generally on the approach to Clayoquot Sound and the encounter with Wickaninnish, 134-42.

31. Here I have drawn, with gratitude and appreciation, from Rick Charles’ 1990 notes for his etching “Friday Evening.” Mr. Charles had the advantage of matching the Meares account with his own extensive knowledge of this difficult entrance to Tofino Harbour.

32. Also spelled Muquinna, Macuina, Maquilla. On his life, see Robin Fisher’s entry in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 4 (1979): 567–69, http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/muquinna_1795_4E.html.

33. The Memorial is the essential document for understanding the Nootka Sound crisis, and the British position on trade and navigation. The full title is Authentic Copy of the Memorial to the Right Honourable William Wyndham Grenville, One of His Majesty’s Principal Secretaries of State, By Lieutenant John Mears, of the Royal Navy; Dated 30th April 1790, and Presented to the House of Commons, May 13, 1790. Containing Every Particular Respecting the Capture of the Vessels in Nootka Sound (London: J. Debrett, 1790). See also Nellie B. Pipes, ed., The Memorial of John Meares to the House of Commons Respecting the Capture of Vessels in Nootka Sound (Portland, OR: Metropolitan Press, 1933).

34. José Mariano Moziño, Noticias de Nutka: An Account of Nootka Sound in 1792, ed. and trans. Iris H. Wilson Engstrand (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1991), 88.

35. Quoted by Lynn Middleton, Place Names of the Pacific Northwest Coast (Victoria: Elldee, 1979), 132.

36. Meares, Voyages, 32, 224.

37. Barry Gough, “Forests and Sea Power: A Vancouver Island Economy, 1778–1875,” Journal of Forest History 32, no. 3 (July 1988): 117–24.

38. BCARS CM/757, BC Archives; reproduced in Wells, Calamity Harbour, 190.

39. I am grateful for the observations of my colleague Jim Gibson. See James R. Gibson, “Bostonians and Muscovites on the Northwest Coast, 1788–1841,” in Thomas Vaughan, ed., The Western Shore: Oregon Country Essays Honoring the American Revolution (Portland: Oregon Historical Society and the American Revolution Bicentennial Commission of Oregon, 1975), 81–119. The American merchant quoted at p. 83 is William Sturgis.

40. Karl W. Kenyon, The Sea Otter in the Eastern Pacific Ocean (Washington, DC: Department of the Interior, Bureau of Sport Fisheries and Wildlife, Number 68, 1969), 136.

41. Barry Gough, The Northwest Coast: British Navigation, Trade and Discoveries to 1812 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1992), chs. 4–6.

42. The observation derives from Philip Drucker. See Tom McFeat, Indians of the North Pacific Coast (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1966), 87.

43. Robert Haswell (August 31, 1788) refers to him as the principal or superior chief of his tribe. Quoted in Derek Pethick, First Approaches to the Northwest Coast (Vancouver: J.J. Douglas, 1976), 130.

44. Michael Roe, ed., The Journal and Letters of Captain Charles Bishop on the North-West Coast of America, in the Pacific and in New South Wales, 1794–1799 (Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, 1967), 106–7. Henceforth cited as Roe, Bishop’s Voyages.

45. Valerie Sheer Mathes, “Wickaninish, a Clayoquot Chief, as Recorded by Early Travelers,” Pacific Northwest Quarterly 7, no. 3 (July 1979): 110–20; also, by the same, “Wickannanish,” Daily Colonist (Victoria), Islander, December 9, 1979, p. 15.

46. The reader’s attention is drawn to the views of William Sturgis, age 17, in the employ of the Boston firm Perkins & Co. See S.W. Jackman, ed., The Journal of William Sturgis (Victoria: Sono Nis, 1978), 44.

47. Quoted in Robin A. Fisher, “Wikinanish,” Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 4 (1979), 768, http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/wikinanish_4E.html.

48. W. Kaye Lamb, ed., George Vancouver: A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean and Round the World 1791–1795 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1984), 2:917.

49. J.C. Beaglehole, ed., The Journal of Captain James Cook, vol. 3, part 1 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1967), 306.

50. George Woodcock, Peoples of the Coast: The Indians of the Pacific Northwest (Edmonton: Hurtig, 1977), 9.

51. Moziño, Noticias de Nutka, 91.

Chapter 3

52. For a recent statement of this, see Richard Ravalli, Sea Otters: A History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2018), 37–47.

53. James Kenneth Munford, ed., John Ledyard’s Journal of Captain Cook’s Last Voyage (Corvallis: Oregon State University Press, 1963), 70.

54. In a dictionary of Chinook jargon or trade language, we find the spelling “Mah-kook-house,” meaning store, or trading house. See Dictionary of the Chinook Jargon, or Indian Trade Language of the North Pacific Coast (Victoria: T.N. Hibben, 1899), 15. I have used the 1972 reprint. On possible pre-contact origins of Chinook jargon (and further linguistic elucidations), see Drucker, Cultures of the North Pacific Coast, 169–70.

55. James Cook and James King, A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean . . . in the years 1776 . . . 1780 (London, 1784), 3:437ff. For discussion of this and the consequences, see Barry Gough, “James Cook and the Origins of the Maritime Fur Trade,” The American Neptune 38, no. 3 (1978): 217–24.

56. W. Kaye Lamb and Tomas Bartroli, “James Hanna and John Henry Cox: The First Maritime Fur Trader and His Sponsor,” BC Studies, no. 84 (Winter 1989–90): 3–36, esp. 32–36 (for the voyages of the Mercury aka Gustavus III).

57. Winee never returned to the paradise of the Pacific. We find her shipping on board with Meares in the Felice, but sadly she died; she was buried at sea. The first Hawaiian contact with the Northwest Coast was thus made not by a man but by a woman. See Frederic W. Howay, “Early Relations between the Hawaiian Islands and the Northwest Coast,” in Albert P. Taylor and Ralph S. Kuykendall, eds., The Hawaiian Islands: Early Relations with the Pacific Northwest (Honolulu: Archives of Hawaii Commission, 1930), 11–12; Meares, Voyages, 10, 28, 36.

58. Quoted in Beth Hill, The Remarkable World of Frances Barkley: 1769–1845 (Sidney: Gray’s Publishing, 1978), 37. She gives Clayoquot Sound as 49° N. See, in regards to Barkley Sound especially, R. Bruce Scott, “Discovery of Barkley Sound,” Daily Colonist (Victoria), Islander, December 24, 1969, 6–7, 15.

59. See Anne E. Bentley, “The Columbia-Washington Medal,” Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 3rd series, 101 (1989): 120–27. The medal was commissioned by Boston merchant Joseph Barrell and was struck in silver, copper and pewter on behalf of the investors.

60. From Haswell’s first log, in F.W. Howay, ed., Voyages of the `Columbia’ . . . 1787–1798 (Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1941; reprint, Portland: Oregon Historical Society Press, 1990), 78; J. Richard Nokes, Columbia’s River: The Voyages of Robert Gray, 1787–1793 (Tacoma: Washington State Historical Society, 1991), 88.

61. F.W. Howay, “The Maritime Fur Trade,” in F.W. Howay, W.N. Sage and H.F. Angus, British Columbia and the United States (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press; Toronto: Ryerson, 1942), 6.

62. Howay, “The Maritime Fur Trade,” 7.

63. Details and analysis from F.W. Howay, “The Introduction of Intoxicating Liquors amongst the Indians of the Northwest Coast, “British Columbia Historical Quarterly 6, no. 3 (July 1942): 157–69. Also, Hoskins’ narrative in Howay, Voyages of the “Columbia,” 260.

64. E. Bell, journal, Nootka 1792, in Lamb, Vancouver: Voyage of Discovery, 2:612.

65. Gough, Juan de Fuca’s Strait, 108.

66. Quimper’s diary of the voyage, quoted in Wagner, Spanish Explorations, 84.

67. Quimper’s diary, June 2, 1790, entry, in Wagner, Spanish Explorations, 86.

68. There were thefts of British property, but Cook chose not to make reprisals. As Captain Charles Clerke said, it was better to “put up with the loss of some trifles, than bring matters to a serious decision.” On this point, and further discussion, see the astute comments by Robin Fisher in Robin Fisher and Hugh Johnson, eds., Captain James Cook and His Times (Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 1979), 96.

69. Warren Cook, Flood Tide of Empire: Spain and the Pacific Northwest, 1543–1819 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1973), 278–81, gives the essential details based on Quimper’s diary, copies of which are in Mexican and Spanish archives. See also Wagner, Spanish Explorations, 85–86.

70. Quimper’s diary, June 5, 1790, entry, in Wagner, Spanish Explorations, 87.

71. Whitebrook, Coastal Exploration, 54–63.

72. Elliot Snow, ed., The Sea, the Ship and the Sailor (Salem, MA: Marine Research Society, 1925), 295–97. This book was reprinted by Dover in 1986 as Adventures at Sea in the Great Age of Sail: Five Firsthand Narratives.

73. These vessels were to have examined northern waters in search of a northwest passage. However, heavy winds faced on their intended northerly course, and worries of insufficient provisions and lateness of season, obliged the commander, Francisco de Eliza, to adjust his plans and head south—and thence to Clayoquot Sound and other locales, sweeping round the southern end of Vancouver Island, examining various islands and passages, revealing ports on the northern coast of what is now Washington State (Port Discovery, Port Angeles and Neah Bay). This reconnaissance and its cartography lie beyond this current study and are not examined here. It may be speculated that had Eliza gone north in search of a passage and not south to Clayoquot, we would have been impoverished by the absence of the valuable chart of Clayoquot Sound compiled by officers and pilots under him.

74. On this, see Gough, Juan de Fuca’s Strait.

75. This may be followed in Wagner, Spanish Explorations, which prints translations of Eliza and Pantoja. For further details, see Jim McDowell, Uncharted Waters: The Explorations of Jose Narváez (1768–1840) (Vancouver: Ronsdale, 2015), ch. 5.

76. On this see Freeman Tovell, The Far Reaches of Empire: The Life of Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2008), 159.

77. Quoted in Wagner, Spanish Explorations, 145.

78. McDowell, Uncharted Waters, 77.

79. Wagner, Spanish Explorations, 35.

80. Robin Fisher, “Arms and Men on the Northwest Coast, 1774–1825,” BC Studies, no. 29 (Spring 1976): 3–18. It may be added that there is no doubt in the historical record (and some of the cases are cited by me in this work) that Europeans worried about the arms buildup in Native hands, fearing the worst. Fisher is correct, too, that other historians, F.W. Howay, Wilson Duff and Christon Archer, have exaggerated the destructive effect of the introduction of firearms. There was no “fatal impact” here caused by firearms. Disease and liquor are matters of a different order.

81. Roe, Bishop’s Voyages, 84.

82. Ravalli, Sea Otters, 55. See also F.W. Howay, ed., The Journal of James Colnett aboard the Argonaut (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1940), 20–21. Henceforth cited as Colnett, Journal.

83. For Colnett’s account of these difficult proceedings, see James Colnett, A Voyage to the South Atlantic and Round Cape Horn into the Pacific Ocean, for the Purpose of Extending the Spermaceti Whale Fisheries, and Other Objects of Commerce, by Ascertaining the Ports, Bays, Harbours, and Anchoring Births, in Certain Islands and Coasts in Those Seas at Which the Ships of the British Merchants might be Refitted (London: W. Bennett, 1798), 96–102.

84. Colnett, Journal, 201.

85. On this point, see Webb, On the Northwest, 8.

86. Colnett, Journal, 201.

87. Colnett, Journal, 202.

88. Meares, Voyages, 32, 224.

89. W. Kaye Lamb, “Early Lumbering on Vancouver Island,” British Columbia Historical Quarterly 2 (January 1938): 31.

90. Serious students of imperialism are advised to consult this essential treatise on how empire works both ways: R.E. Robinson, “Non-European Foundations of European Imperialism: Sketch for a Theory of Collaboration,” [1972] in Wm. Roger Louis, Imperialism: The Robinson and Gallagher Controversy (New York: New Viewpoints; London: Franklin Watts, 1976), 128–51.

91. Meares to Colnett, April 17, 1789, Macau, for Messrs. Etches, Cox and Co., in Mr. Mears’s Memorial, dated 30th April 1790 (Ordered to be Printed 13 May 1790), no. 1, pp. 6; copy in FO 72/16, p. 62v, National Archives, Kew, England.

92. Meares to Colnett, April 17, 1789, in Mr. Mears’s Memorial.

Chapter 4

93. Pethick, First Approaches, 129–30.

94. The essentials are given in Wilson Duff, “Koyah,” Dictionary of Canadian Biography, 4 (1979): 419–20, http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/koyah_4E.html. Also Duff and Michael Kew, “Anthony Island, a Home of the Haidas,” British Columbia Provincial Museum Report (Victoria, 1957), 37–64 (also published separately 1958). In the historical record, see Joseph Ingraham’s account: Mark D. Kaplanoff, ed., Joseph Ingraham’s Journal of the Brigantine HOPE on a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of North America, 1790–92 (Barre, MA: Imprint Society, 1971), 179–81.

95. E. Bell, journal, Nootka 1792, in Lamb, Vancouver: Voyage of Discovery, 2:612.

96. For discussion of this matter, see Lamb, Vancouver: Voyage of Discovery, 2:612, n. 1.

97. John Walbran, British Columbia Coast Names, 1592–1906 (Vancouver: J.J. Douglas, 1971), 321. Captain George Vancouver, RN, said that American traders held Marvinas Bay in great repute.

98. This document and similar ones (such as at Clayoquot with Wickaninnish) were likely drawn up by Stoddart, the clerk. For wider examination, see Gough, Fortune’s a River, 139–52.

99. Kendrick-Maquinna deed, July 21, 1791, printed in Scott Ridley, Morning of Fire: John Kendrick’s Daring American Odyssey in the Pacific (New York: William Morrow, 2010), 234. Ridley provides observations on the Nootka transactions and prints a map of the four land purchases there (p. 236).

100. This segment is printed in F.W. Howay, “An Early Colonization Scheme in British Columbia,” British Columbia Historical Quarterly 3, no. 1 (January 1939): 56.

101. An explanation here is necessary and helpful to those who wish to know about boundaries and claims to sovereignty. To the north, Russian claims were limited at 54° 40’ N by separate treaties with the United States (1824) and Britain (1825). To the south, the United States inherited Spain’s claims to empire in the Pacific Northwest through the 1819 treaty with Spain. That, therefore, left the British and American claims as sole rivals. The Hudson’s Bay Company dominated the trade of this region and called this trading district the Columbia Department (later the Western Department).

102. For all its expansionist bluster, a competent history of Gray, Kendrick and the “Kendrick deeds” is to be found in Hall J. Kelley, Discoveries, Purchases of Land etc. on the North West Coast Being Part of an Investigation of the American Title to Oregon (Boston, 1838). Copy in BC Archives, Victoria.

103. I have underlined the significant words for emphasis.

104. J. Kendrick to T. Jefferson, March 1, 1793, in Kelley, Discoveries, Purchases, 7–8.

105. Kendrick to Jefferson, in Kelley, Discoveries, Purchases, 7–8.

106. Kelley, Discoveries, Purchases, 7.

107. Quoted in Kelley, Discoveries, Purchases, 10.

108. Robert Greenhow, The History of Oregon and California, and the Other Territories of the North-West Coast of North America, 3rd ed. rev. (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1845), 228–30.

109. Francis Paul Prucha, American Indian Policy in the Formative Years: The Indian Trade and Intercourse Acts 1790–1834 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1962), 144.

110. [Edward Bell], A New Vancouver Journal, 39, published with Edmond S. Meany, ed., Vancouver’s Discovery of Puget Sound: Portraits and Biographies of the Men Honored in the Naming of Geographic Features of Northwestern America (Portland, OR: Binfords & Mort, 1957).

Chapter 5

111. Quoted in Samuel Eliot Morison, Maritime History of Massachusetts 1783–1860 (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1921), 55.

112. Haswell, in F.W. Howay, ed., Voyages of the “Columbia” to the Northwest Coast 1787–1790 and 1790–1793 (Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1941; reprint, Portland: Oregon Historical Society Press, 1990), 303.

113. Boit’s log, September 18, 1790, in Howay, Voyages of the “Columbia,” 381.

114. Haswell’s second log, in Howay, Voyages of the “Columbia,” 305.

115. Boit’s log, undated entry, in Howay, Voyages of the “Columbia,” 382.

116. Haswell’s second log, October 3, 1791, in Howay, Voyages of the “Columbia,” 306.

117. Haswell’s second log, October 3, 1791, in Howay, Voyages of the “Columbia,” 304.

118. Haswell’s second log, September 21, 1791, in Howay, Voyages of the “Columbia,” 304.

119. Boit’s log, quoted in Jack Fry, “Fort Defiance,” The Beaver, 298 (Summer 1967): 18. This article provides a valued synopsis of the search for and finding of this important historical site.

120. Haswell’s second log, October 12, 1791, in Howay, Voyages of the “Columbia,” 305.

121. Boit log, in Howay, Voyages of the “Columbia,” 390–91.

122. C.F. Newcombe, ed., Menzies’ Journal of Vancouver’s Voyage (Victoria: Provincial Archives, 1913), 17.

123. See text and notes in Lamb, Vancouver: Voyage of Discovery, 2:502–3; Meares, Voyages, p. lvi.

124. Speculation existed that beyond the Rocky Mountains lay a river flowing to the Pacific Ocean. Jonathan Carver, a British colonial military officer under the direction of Major Robert Rogers (himself a believer in these prospects), set out on an expedition from the Great Lakes to explore western lands and waters in 1766; he journeyed for two years. From his travels a growing appreciation developed for the idea of going up a branch of the Missouri River and discovering the source of the Oregon River, also known as the River of the West, on the other side of the Continental Divide. The 1778 map that accompanied the publication of Carver’s narrative showed alluring possibilities of that river linking up with the Strait of Anian and Juan de Fuca Strait. These were bold claims that kept alive the mysteries of a still un-mapped far west beyond the Continental Divide. See Gough, Fortune’s a River, 346–47.

125. Edmund Hayes, ed., Log of the Union: John Boit’s Remarkable Voyage to the Northewest Coast and Around the World, 1794–1796 (Portland: Oregon Historical Society, 1981), xxiii-xxiv.

126. Journal of Bodega y Quadra, October 21 and December 23, 1792, Huntington Library, Pasadena, CA; F.W. Howay, A List of Trading Vessels in the Maritime Fur Trade, 1785–1825, consolidated ed., compiled, edited and corrected, with additional materials, by Richard A. Pierce (Kingston, ON: Limestone Press, 1973), 167. Separate lists of trading vessels were originally published between 1930 and 1934 in vols. 24 to 28 of the Royal Society of Canada, Proceedings and Transactions.

127. George Vancouver, A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean (London, 1798), 2:226. See, on this episode, F.W. Howay and T.C. Elliott, “Voyages of the Jenny to Oregon, 1792–94,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 30 (1929): 197–206. Also Roe, Bishop’s Voyages, xxv. A most unsubstantiated affair, lacking collaborative evidence.

128. Wisconsin-born Hayes (1895–1986), a Princeton graduate and officer in the US Army in the First World War, went to Oregon to head up certain timber operations, becoming prominent in Weyerhaeuser Co. See Philip S. Hayes, Boxing the Compass (privately printed, 1998)—a copy is held by the Oregon Historical Society. Many of Hayes’ manuscripts, including his collection on the Tonquin, are held by that society, as are many paintings he commissioned from Hewitt Jackson and some similarly commissioned ship models.

129. Edmund Hayes, “Gray’s Adventure Cove,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 68, no. 2 (June 1967): 101.

130. Davidson completed four illustrations relating to this voyage. Three, specifically related to Vancouver Island, are in G. Davidson, Sanborn Collection, Oregon Historical Society Museum. Reproduced in Thomas Vaughan and Bill Holm, Soft Gold: The Fur Trade and Cultural Exchange on the Northwest Coast of America, rev. ed. (Portland: Oregon Historical Society Press, 1990), 213, 216, 217.

131. Samuel Eliot Morison, “The Columbia’s Winter Quarters of 1791–1792 Located,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 39 (March-December 1938): 7.

132. E. W. Giesecke, “Search for the Settlement Ship Tonquin: Astor’s Lost Vessel of 1811,” unpublished Ms., 1998, p. 60. In 1947 one of Davidson’s illustrations became publicly known; the second in 1966 (see Vancouver Province, August 16, 1966).

133. I have not been able to locate the Vancouver publication. See, however, also by George Nicholson, “Schooner Adventure Built at Clayoquot,” Daily Colonist (Victoria, BC), June 5, 1966, 3, 14.

134. Donald H. Mitchell, “The Investigation of Fort Defiance: Verifications of the Site,” BC Studies, no. 4 (Spring 1970): 3–20; Donald H. Mitchell and J. Robert Knox, “The Investigation of Fort Defiance: A Report on Preliminary Excavations,” BC Studies, no. 16 (Winter 1972–1973): 32–56.

135. Hayes, “Gray’s Adventure Cove,” 110.

136. Haswell’s narrative, in Howay, Voyages of the “Columbia,” 36–40, gives many details of the event.

137. John Boit, “New Log of the Columbia,” Edmond S. Meany, ed., Washington Historical Quarterly 12, no. 1 (January 1921): 24–26. See, for further details, Cook, Flood Tide of Empire, 342–43.

138. Haswell’s narrative, in Howay, Voyages of the “Columbia,” 312–13.

139. Menzies journal, entry for April 29, 1792, in C.F. Newcombe, ed., Menzies’s Journal of Vancouver’s Voyage, April to October 1792 (Victoria: Archives of British Columbia, Memoir 5, 1923), 14.

140. See, on this extraordinary exchange dated October 2, 1795, Roe, ed., Bishop’s Voyages, 106–7. It is Professor Roe’s view that “Wickanninish’s desire to obtain a vessel no doubt prompted him to plan attacks on European visitors.”(p. 107, n. 1).

141. Malloy, “Boston Men” on the Northwest Coast, 179.

Chapter 6

142. Robert Levine, “ Introduction: Native Language and Culture,” in Sound Heritage 4, nos. 3 and 4 (1976): 1.

143. In my day, only one in every ten PhD theses, when modified to make a potential book, achieved publication. One in a hundred historians had a second book published.

144. Edmund Hayes to B.M. Gough, July 30, 1968, Gough fonds, Wilfrid Laurier University Archives.

145. My contribution: “The Northwest Coast in Late 18th Century British Expansion,” in Thomas Vaughan, ed., The Western Shore: Oregon Country Essays Honoring the American Revolution (Portland: Oregon Historical Society and the American Revolution Bicentennial Commission of Oregon, 1975), 47–80. The cover page displays Hewitt Jackson’s illustration of Robert Gray’s Columbia Rediviva at the mouth of the Columbia River, 1792.

146. A catalogue was produced: Thomas Vaughan and Bill Holm, Soft Gold: The Fur Trade and Cultural Exchange on the Northwest Coast of America (Portland: Oregon Historical Society Press, 1982). A second edition, revised and enlarged, was published in 1990.

147. Thomas Vaughan and Bruce T. Hamilton, “Artist Hewitt Jackson Re-creates the Pageant of Northwest Maritime Exploration,” The American West: The Magazine of Western History 17, 1 (January/February 1980): 37.

148. The key document Mr. Hayes needed was the report from Rear Admiral Joseph Denman to Secretary of the Admiralty, Adm. 1 /5878, Y107, National Archives, Kew, Surrey, England. Any serious student of this incident should consult related reports from Denman in Adm.1/5878. The story has often been mis-told. Anthropologists, oddly, neglect reading the pertinent naval reports, but rely on Sproat (Scenes and Studies of Savage Life), who was not even there.

149. Alexander Mackenzie, Voyages from Montreal (London, 1801), 410. Mackenzie followed this up with several communications to leading ministry statesmen of the time.

150. When compared to the 1804 map of the west Lewis and Clark had in their possession at the commencement of their journey, the geographical additions are prodigious. All the same, the Columbia River is not shown with accuracy and the Fraser River not at all.

151. Bernard De Voto, The Course of Empire (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1953), 539.

152. “Journal of David Thompson,” T.C. Elliott, ed., Oregon Historical Quarterly, March 1914, 57.

153. On the various accounts of Thompson’s arrival at Astoria, see Jack Nisbet, The Mapmaker’s Eye: David Thompson on the Columbia Plateau (Pullman: Washington State University Press, 2005), 114–18. Thompson’s intricate travels may best be followed in Barbara Belyea, ed., Columbia Journals: David Thompson (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994).

154. Quoted in H.H. Bancroft, History of the Northwest Coast (New York: Bancroft, 1886), 2:163.

155. Mark D. Kaplanoff, ed., Joseph Ingraham’s Journal of the Brigantine Hope on a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of North America, 1790–92 (Barre, MA; Imprint Society, 1971), 224–27.

156. Roe, ed., Bishop’s Voyages, 108.

157. Quoted in George W. Fuller, A History of the Pacific Northwest, with Special Emphasis on the Inland Empire, 2nd ed. rev. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966), 98.

158. Of all the narratives and histories of this event, Seton’s is the most accurate and complete. See Robert F. Jones, ed., Astoria Adventure: The Journal of Alfred Seton, 1811–1815 (New York: Fordham University Press, 1993), esp. 72, 91–92.

159. Roe, ed., Bishop’s Voyages, 107.

160. Walbran, British Columbia Coast Names, 93.

161. Quoted in Robert H. Ruby and John A. Brown, The Chinook Indians: Traders of the Lower Columbia River (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), 139.

162. Details from Joe Martin, Father Brabant and Eli Enns come from Claudia Cornwall, “The Suicide Bomber of Clayoquot Sound, Revived,” The Tyee, March 14, 2008.

163. Robert F. Jones, Annals of Astoria: the Headquarters Log of the Pacific Fur Company on the Columbia River 1811–1813 (New York: Fordham University Press, 1999), 194–95.

164. In Jones, Annals of Astoria, 41.

165. B.A. McKelvie, Tales of Conflict (Vancouver: Vancouver Province, 1949), 5.

166. Walbran, British Columbia Coast Names, 93.

167. A.J. Brabant to John Devereux, May 15, 1896, in Walbran misc. papers, BC Archives; quoted in Ruby and Brown, The Chinook Indians, 139.

168. See the map, prepared from information given to Hosie, in Gough, Fortune’s a River, 286.

169. For an introduction see David W. Griffiths, Tonquin: The Ghost Ship of Clayoquot Sound (Tofino: Tonquin Foundation, 2007), http://www.tofinotime.com/articles/A-T709-10frm.htm.

170. Jackman, ed., Journal of William Sturgis, 113–20.

171. Camille de Roquefeuil, A Voyage Round the World between the Years 1816–1819 (London: 1823), 27.

172. On the Barkley Sound visit, see R. Bruce Scott, Barkley Sound: A History of the Pacific Rim National Park (Victoria: published by the author, 1972), ch. 5.

173. James Gibson, “Opposition on the Coast”: The Hudson’s Bay Company, American Coasters, the Russian-American Company, and Native Traders on the Northwest Coast, 1825–1846 (Toronto: Champlain Society, 2019), 55.

174. In turn by Commander Belcher and Captain Richards.

175. Roy L. Taylor and Barry Gough, “New Sighting of Sea Otter Reported for Queen Charlotte Islands,” Syesis 10 (1977): 177.

176. John Vaillant, The Golden Spruce: A True Story of Myth, Madness, and Greed (Toronto: Alfred P. Knopf Canada, 2005), 72; quoted in N.A. Sloan and Lyle Dick, Sea Otters of Haida Gwaii: Icons in Human-Ocean Relations (Queen Charlotte: Archipelago Management and Skidegate: Haida Gwaii Museum, 2012), 108–9.

177. Woodcock, Peoples of the Coast, 101.

Chapter 7

178. See the remarkable volume that contains excerpts from writings by E. Belcher and Midshipman Francis Guillemard Simpkinson, published as Richard A. Pierce and John H. Winslow, eds., H.M.S. Sulphur on the Northwest and California Coasts, 1837 and 1839: The Accounts of Captain Edward Belcher and Midshipman Francis Guillemard Simpkinson (Kingston, ON: Limestone Press, 1979), 29–34, 107–114.

179. Here I use Woodcock’s estimates, Peoples of the Coast, 115.

180. The reader’s attention is drawn to the outstanding treatise on this: John S. Galbraith, The Hudson’s Bay Company as an Imperial Factor, 1821–1869 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1957), esp. ch. 14 on Company control of Vancouver Island.

181. Captain G.H. Richards, RN, noted that sea otter were rare in the 1860s. He acquired a small pelt, but larger ones, if and when available, were terribly expensive to purchase (one pelt = 40 blankets). For details, see Linda Dorricott and Deidre Cullon, eds., The Private Journal of Captain G.H. Richards: The Vancouver Island Survey (1860–1862) (Vancouver: Ronsdale, 2012), 120 n.99, 204. See also Richard Mackie, Trading Beyond the Mountains: The British Fur Trade on the Pacific, 1793–1843 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1997), 286.

182. It is generally believed that the Chinook jargon or trade language was not in use on the west coast of Vancouver Island, but the sources on this are elusive and inconclusive.

183. Charles Edward Barrett-Lennard, Travels in British Columbia, with the Narrative of a Yacht Voyage Round Vancouver Island (London: Hurst & Blackett, 1862), 131–32.

184. Jim Hamilton, “Sproat Met the Indians . . . and Nearly Came Out Second Best,” Daily Colonist, Islander, June 29, 1969, pp. 4, 5. For the end of the story and more details, see Gilbert Malcolm Sproat, The Nootka: Scenes andStudies of Savage Life, ed., and annotated by Charles Lillard (Victoria: Sono Nis, 1987). Sproat’s original book was published in London in 1868 and is regarded as a competent early example of ethnography as well as a classic account along Homeric lines.

185. Sproat, The Nootka, 187.

186. John Edwin Mills, “The Ethnohistory of Nootka Sound, Vancouver Island” (PhD dissertation, University of Washington, 1955), 14, copy in Simon Fraser University Library. Also M. Swadesh, “Motivations in Nootka Warfare,” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 4, no. 1 (Spring 1948): 76–93.

187. Harold Driver, Indians of North America, 2nd ed. rev. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969), 313–15, esp. 315.

188. Arima and Hoover, The Whaling People, 141–48.

189. Koppert, Contributions to Clayoquot Ethnology, 104–5.

190. Margaret Mead, quoted in Keith F. Otterbein, “The Anthropology of War,” in John Honigmann, ed., Handbook of Social and Cultural Anthropology (Chicago: Rand McNally College Publishing Company, 1973), 923.

191. Edward Sapir and Morris Swadesh, comps., Native Accounts of Nootka Ethnography, Publication 1 (Bloomington: Indiana University Research Centre in Anthropology, Folklore, and Linguistics, October 1955).

192. Sapir and Swadesh, Native Accounts of Nootka Ethnography, 346–49.

193. Arima and Hoover, The Whaling People, 148–59.

194. Webster, As Far as I Know, 64. His account of the war, and stories related to it, are printed at 59–64.

195. The war texts, collected by Edward Sapir, are minutely examined in Morris Swadesh, “Motivations in Nootka Warfare,” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, 4 (1948): 76–93.

196. I refer specifically to Barrett-Lennard and to Sproat, whose works are referenced elsewhere. Both had first-hand knowledge of the war chief, and he features in the story of the murder of the Maltese trader Barney in 1855. Sitakanim is the spelling of his name according to Father Moser (who says Sitakanim died at Clayoquot village in 1897). There is an undated photo of Sitakanim and his son Curley in Moser, Reminiscences of the West Coast, 174.

197. Gilbert Malcolm Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life (London: 1868), 63. Here I cite the original edition.

198. Barrett-Lennard, Travels in British Columbia, 130–31.

199. See Galbraith, Hudson’s Bay Company as an Imperial Factor.

200. The Colonial Office guided the process, favoured the Company over other aspirants and “made the deal.” The process was complicated but the Colonial Office held the ground. See Barry M. Gough, “Crown, Company, and Charter: Founding Vancouver Island Colony—A Chapter in Victorian Empire Making,” BC Studies, no. 176 (Winter 2012/13): 9–54.

201. Walter N. Sage, Sir James Douglas and British Columbia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1930), 185–86.

202. Douglas could not keep out foreigners, only foreign traders or others unconnected with the HBC. See Derek Pethick, James Douglas: Servant of Two Empires (Vancouver: Mitchell Press, 1969), 156–67.

203. For the history of liquor legislation in the colonies of Vancouver Island and British Columbia, 1850–1876, see Barry M. Gough, Gunboat Frontier: British Maritime Authority and Northwest Coast Indians, 1846–1890 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1984), App. 2, 219–23.

204. Kenton Storey, Settler Anxiety at the Outposts of Empire: Colonial Relations, Humanitarian Discourses, and the Imperial Press (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2016), chs. 2, 4 and 7. This contains vital examination of the local press of Victoria, BC.

205. This subject is complex. Evidence, though extensive in the historical record, is fragmentary and often incidental; censuses were inaccurate, and the results possibly underestimated, overrated or exaggerated, etc. One conclusion may be drawn: smallpox appeared and reappeared in irregular fashion in many Northwest Coast locations and had profound effects. See Cole Harris, The Resettlement of British Columbia: Essays on Colonialism and Geographic Change (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1997), 3–30, 276–81. Important to keep in mind is the fact that in Clayoquot Sound there was not a pervasive displacement of Indigenous peoples by newcomers or colonists. In a way, then, Clayoquot Sound is an anomaly in BC history. What smallpox epidemics were experienced here, as in 1855, did not eradicate the local population, though they may have weakened or destroyed some groups, forcing amalgamation with other nations. Once again, the lack of homogeneity of the villages and individual nations is a striking feature.

206. [Admiralty], Vancouver Island Pilot, 1864 ed., 182.

207. R.E. Gosnell, Year Book of British Columbia, 1911/1914 (Victoria: Legislative Assembly, 1914), 158.

208. Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Canada Year Book, 1952–53 (Ottawa: Queen’s Printer, 1953), pp. xxvi-xxvii. The figure for 1871 is exaggerated: it had been boosted for per capita income benefits from Canada. The same source gives 178,657 for 1901; 694,263 for 1931; and 1,165,210 for 1951.

209. Koppert, Contributions to Clayoquot Ethnology, 4.

210. Even before the proclamation of Governor Blanshard’s commission as governor for the Colony of Vancouver Island on March 11, 1850, imperial law had enacted a measure for the trial and punishment of persons guilty of crimes and offences committed in Indian territories—that is those north and west of Hudson’s Bay Company chartered territory. This informal version of “the law marches west” meant that the jurisdiction of the courts of justice in the Provinces of Lower and Upper Canada were to be considered in such cases as if the offences had been committed within the jurisdictions of the Canadian courts (Act of 14 Geo. 3, c. 138). In 1818 the 49th parallel west to the Rocky Mountains (then known as the Stony Mountains) defined the southern boundary of Indian territories; the 1825 boundary with Russia defined the British territories claimed as far as Russian-held Alaska. See J.H. Pelly to Earl Grey, September 13, 1849, enclosing the Company’s memorandum on the subject, in “Hudson’s Bay Company,” Parliamentary Paper, Cmd. 542, UK House of Commons, printed July 12, 1850. Vancouver Island law superseded this that same year.

211. See Gough, Gunboat Frontier, 108–28, for discussion of the affairs of the Hesquiaht (1864), which marked the major episode of gunboat diplomacy on the west coast of Vancouver Island. It must be observed that the authorities did not intervene in internecine and inter-tribal matters—only when British persons (or whites) and their property were preyed upon by Indigenous peoples.

212. George Nicholson, Vancouver Island’s West Coast (Victoria: George Nicholson, 1965), 73–74. Here I follow Admiralty documents on piracy and punishment detailed in my Gunboat Frontier, ch. 8.

213. Captain J.C. Prevost to Captain M. deCourcy, March 11, 1859, encl. in M. deCourcy to Governor Douglas, March 12, F 1218, BC Archives; see also R. Bruce Scott, Barkley Sound: A History of the Pacific Rim National Park (Victoria: n.p., 1972), 43–47.

214. Margaret Horsfield and Ian Kennedy, Tofino and Clayoquot Sound: A History (Madeira Park: Harbour Publishing, 2014), 89–92.

215. In 1855, Banfield (or Bamfield) was trading at Clayoquot with partner Peter Francis. Their small schooner Jibo kept up a lucrative trade in dogfish oil, trading blankets, calico, beads and other articles. The 1855 murder of the Kyuquot trader Barney, a Maltese, is recounted in Moser, Reminiscences of the West Coast, 171–75.

216. Documents for this incident are referenced in Gough, Gunboat Frontier, notes 26–56, on pp. 247–50.

217. Gough, Gunboat Frontier, 125–28.

218. A handsome vessel on old-fashioned lines, built in 1839, she was an 810-ton paddlewheel steamer of 240 horsepower, with a nominal complement of 125 officers and men, and a comfortable main room with fireplace, where twelve officers could dine at table. Hecate had a full sail rig. Although imagined to be powerful enough to contend with local tide rips and currents, she was not; she nearly came to grief when she hit rocks on the south shore of Juan de Fuca Strait; damage had to be repaired at Mare Island, San Francisco, there being no suitable dock yet available in Esquimalt Harbour, the usual rendezvous of British warships in Vancouver Island and British Columbia waters. Esquimalt became station headquarters in 1862, though for a time that designation reverted to Valparaiso, before being reinstituted, remaining so until the Pacific Station was closed down in 1905. Lack of a dockyard of suitable capacities became a political complication, only resolved in 1887.

219. On Richards in BC waters and elsewhere, see Barry Gough, Britannia’s Navy on the West Coast of North America 1812–1914 (Barnsley, UK: Seaforth; Victoria: Heritage House, 2016), 183–87. See also next note.

220. Richards’ progress may be followed in Dorricott and Cullon, Private Journal of Captain G.H. Richards, 122–26; quotation at 122.

221. Gowlland journal, July 23, 1861, in Dorricott and Cullon, Private Journal of Captain G.H. Richards, 123.

222. Richards journal, August 4, 1861, in Dorricott and Cullon, Private Journal of Captain G.H. Richards, 125.

223. Entries from John T.E. Gowlland’s ms. journal, June 27, 1861, Mitchell Library, Sidney, New South Wales; copy, microfilm 447-A, BC Archives.

224. Charles Forbes, Vancouver Island: Its Resources and Capabilities as a Colony (Victoria: Colonial Government, 1861), 20.

225. Walbran, British Columbia Place Names, 303–304, contains particulars. Information from R. Blagborne.

226. Rear Admiral R.L. Baynes, the Commander-in-Chief, knew all about this and apparently authorized it.

227. Barrett-Leonard, Travels in British Columbia, 116.

228. Information from R. Blagborne.

229. Stubbs was later stipendiary magistrate and gold commissioner for West Kootenay. Walbran, British Columbia Coast Names, 475.

230. Barrett-Lennard, Travels in British Columbia, 128–29.

231. Blanshard’s testimony of June 15, 1857, in “Report from the Select Committee on the Hudson’s Bay Company; together with the Proceedings of the Committee, Minutes of Evidence,” Parliamentary Papers, 224.260—Sess.2 (1857), 291–92.

232. Drucker, Cultures of the North Pacific Coast, 196. See pages 196–97 for details and elaboration of this theme.

233. Herman Merivale, Lectures on Colonization and Colonies ([1861 ed.; reprint New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1967), 116.

234. Bob Bossin, ed., “Forming Tender Ties: Fur Trader Frederick Thornberg,” in Saeko Usukawa et al., Sound Heritage: Voices from British Columbia (Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 184), 20–22. Quotation at 21. Thornberg gives important details about Native language, Chinook jargon or trade language, and Lucy Ha-a-pes, who he married, in 1885, in “Indian fashion.”

235. Again, I cite Bosson’s work. See Sound Heritage, 120–29.

236. Margaret Horsfield, Voices from the Sound: Chronicles of Clayoquot Sound and Tofino 1899–1929 (Nanaimo: Salal Books, 2008), 8.

237. The original is in the Alberni Valley Museum. John Sendey, The Nootkan Indian: A Pictorial (Port Alberni: Alberni Valley Museum, 1977), 63.

238. In 1905 the Canadian Pacific Railway had purchased the Esquimalt & Nanaimo Railway.

239. See Norman R. Hacking and W. Kaye Lamb, The Princess Story: A Century and a Half of West Coast Shipping (Vancouver: Mitchell Press, 1974) for details on these ships. Details on the Tees are found at pp. 150–59. See also Gordon Newell, ed., The H.W. McCurdy Marine History of the Pacific Northwest (Seattle: Superior Publishing, 1966), 16, 65; and Robert D. Turner, Those Beautiful Coastal Liners (Victoria: Sono Nis, 2001), 35–36.

240. R. Atleo, remembrance, in Turner, Those Beautiful Coastal Liners, 122.

241. Hacking and Lamb, The Princess Story, 300.

242. Interview by Nancy Turner, May 1996, in Turner, Those Beautiful Coastal Liners.

243. Quotations (and discussion of this subject) from Clayton Evans, Rescue at Sea: An International History of Lifesaving, Coastal Rescue Craft and Organizations (Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 2003), 208.

244. The lifeboat, No. 580, named Bamfield Creek, was initially 28 HP (gas fuelled), increased to 35–40 HP, and capable of 10 statute MPH, full throttle. She sported a sail rig of two masts, with jib, plus fore-and-aft lug sails; also five thwarts for ten oars. I am grateful for detailed information on this particular vessel to Timothy R. Dring, Canadian and U.S. Coast Guard Rescue Craft: A History of Collaboration and Development (for Bamfield Lifeboat Centenary & Historical Symposium, Bamfield, June 2008). Copy in author’s possession.

245. See Adrienne Mason, Long Beach Wild: A Celebration of People and Place on Canada’s Rugged Western Shore (Vancouver: Greystone, 2012), ch. 7.

Chapter 8

246. Barbara S. Efrat, “The Hesquiat Project: Research in Native Indian Aural History,” in W.J. Langlois et al., eds, Sound Heritage 4, nos. 3 & 4 (1976): 6–11. Quotation at p. 8.

247. Details on the Meares Island Easter Festival 1984 and what transpired on Meares Island and elsewhere that year are from Horsfield and Kennedy, Tofino and Clayoquot Sound, 502–503.

248. According to Horsfield and Kennedy, “Neither FOCS or the First Nations condoned tree spiking” (in Tofino and Clayoquot Sound, 503).

249. Jack Woodward, Native Law (Toronto: Carswell, 1989), 206.

250. Woodward, Native Law, 216–19. For further discussion, see Brian Slattery, “Understanding Aboriginal Rights,” Canadian Bar Review, 66 (1987).

251. Norman H. Clark, introduction to James G. Swan, The Northwest Coast, or, Three Years’ Residence in Washington Territory (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1972), xiii–xiv.

252. Discussion of these matters is documented in my contribution to comparative frontiers, Barry Gough, “Indian Policies of Great Britain and the United States in the Pacific Northwest in the mid-Nineteenth Century,” The Canadian Journal of Native Studies 2, no. 2 (1983): 321–37. My emphasis there was on the nature and causes of violence and the maintenance of order among both Native and non-Native residents. Violence on the British Columbia frontier has been greatly exaggerated by present practitioners, particularly when compared to the adjacent United States frontiers, including Alaska (see sources in next note).

253. George W. Fuller, A History of the Pacific Northwest, with Special Emphasis on the Inland Empire, 2nd ed. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966); Dorothy O. Johansen, Empire of the Columbia: A History of the Pacific Northwest, 2nd. ed. (New York: Harper & Row, 1967). Richard Kluger, The Bitter Waters of Medicine Creek: A Tragic Clash Between White and Native Americans (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2011) examines the Puget Sound wars and treaty-making of the 1850s. More generally, see Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz, An Indigenous Peoples’ History of the United States (Boston: Beacon Press, 2014), chs. 7–11.

254. Quoted in George A. Walkem, Attorney General, Province of British Columbia, August 17, 1875 (from British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1864), in “Report of the Government of British Columbia on the Subject of Indian Reserves,” in British Columbia, Papers Connected with the Indian Land Question, 1850–1875 (Victoria: Government Printing Office, 1875), 7. This was approved by the Executive Council.

255. Gosnell, Year Book of British Columbia 1911/1914, 242.

256. P. O’Reilly to Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, February 21, 1889, Indian Reserve Commission Papers, Box 4, No. 395/89, and same to same, January 11, 1889, ibid., No. 98/89, BC Archives.

257. Margaret Horsfield and Ian Kennedy, Tofino and Clayoquot Sound: A History (Madeira Park: Harbour Publishing, 2014), 242–43.

258. O’Reilly to Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, April 26, 1890, Indian Reserve Commission Papers, No. 1152/90, and same to same, April 26, 1894, ibid., Box 5, No. 1376/94, BC Archives.

259. Documents for this paragraph: Certificate of Pre-Emption, No. 1711, in Ministry of Lands, Parks and Housing (LPH) Schedule—Crown Grants of Land and Minerals, Meares Island—Lot 642, Clayoquot District. Certificate of Purchase No. 4294, February 7, 1905, and Water Record No. 95, January 30, 1905, all in LPH Schedule—History of Water Licenses, Meares Island—Final Water License No. 4377.

260. Brabant’s reminiscences, first published 1900, have been republished, most recently as Mission to Nootka, 1874–1900, ed. Charles Lillard (Sidney: Gray’s Publishing, 1977). The 1926 edition (Acme Press, Victoria) by Rev. Charles Moser, is the classic but hard to find. A new, critical edition would be a welcome addition to the literature. For biographical treatment, see Jim McDowell, Father August Brabant, Saviour or Scourge? (Vancouver: Ronsdale, 2013); cf., Joseph Van Der Heyden, Life and Letters of Father Brabant (Louvain: J. Wouters-Ickx, 1920). As a chapter in missions and ethnohistory, see Barry M. Gough, “Father Brabant and the Hesquiat of Vancouver Island,” Study Sessions, Canadian Catholic Historical Association 2, pt. 2 (1983): 553–68.

261. Governor Douglas to Earl Grey (Colonial Secretary), May 28, 1852, C.O. 305/3, p. 113, National Archives, Kew, England.

262. Patricia Meyer, ed., Honore-Timothee Lempfrit, OMI: His Oregon Trail Journal and Letters from the Pacific Northwest, 1848–1853 (Fairfield, WA: Ye Galleon Press, 1985), 34–37.

263. On September 7, 1874, Brabant was at Opitsat, with Bishop Seghers, on reconnaissance. Brabant wrote, “We found the Indians very much excited over the news that a man-of-war [the gun vessel Boxer] was anchored to the leeward of Vargas Island with the Superintendent of Indian Affairs [Dr. I.W. Powell] on board.” Further details in Moser, Reminiscences of the West Coast, 25–27.

264. Horsfield and Kennedy, Tofino and Clayoquot Sound, 93–114 (on missionaries) and, correlative to them, 258–63 (on schools).

265. Earl Maquinna George testifies powerfully to how the ending of this international economy, in which Nuu-chah-nulth sailors and hunters had critically important roles, foreclosed Indigenous well-being and futures. See his Living on the Edge, 35, and esp. 61–67.

266. Deed and plan of L. 642 (Crown Grant No. 740 162) and allied documents from the Land Title and Survey Authority of British Columbia, copies in author’s possession. Brabant’s Land Act document bears the date February 25, 1905.

267. Moser, Reminiscences of the West Coast, 154–55.

268. Lenard Monkman, "Genocide against Indigenous Peoples Recognized by Canadian Museum for Human Rights," CBC News, May 17, 2019, https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/cmhr-colonialism-genocide-indigenous-peoples-1.5141078

269. “Christie (Tofino)” on the National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation, University of Manitoba website, https://collections.irshdc.ubc.ca/index.php/Detail/entities/43.

270. Moser, Reminiscences of the West Coast, 154.

271. “Christie (BC)” on the Indian Residential School History & Dialogue Centre website, https://collections.irshdc.ubc.ca/index.php/Detail/entities/43.

272. The full apology is accessible at https://omilacombe.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/AN-APOLOGY-TO-THE-FIRST-NATIONS-OF-CANADA-BY-THE-OBLATE-CONFERENCE-OF-CANADA-w-intro-1991.pdf.

273. “Matsquiaht” on Maaqutusiis Hahoulthee Stewardship Society website, https://www.mhssahousaht.ca/matsquiaht.

Chapter 9

274. See Guppy, Clayoquot Soundings, following p. 32. See also next note.

275. Timber Lease, Sutton Lumber & Trading Company Limited, March 1, 1912. This document was backdated to March 15, 1909, for unspecified reasons thereon.

276. I owe this observation to Michael Edgell.

277. J.D. Chapman and D.B. Turner, eds., British Columbia Atlas of Resources (British Columbia Natural Resources Conference, 1956), 53.

278. Chapman and Turner, British Columbia Atlas of Resources, 53.

279. Michael C.R. Edgell, “Forest Industry,” in Charles N. Forward, ed., Vancouver Island: Land of Contrasts, Western Geographical Series, vol. 17 (Victoria: University of Victoria, 1979), 105.

280. John Steinbeck, Sea of Cortez, excerpt in The Portable Steinbeck, rev. and enlarged ed. (New York: Viking, 1971), 512.

281. Edgell, “Forest Industry,” 129. The full document is accessible at https://www.cccb.ca/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/oblate_apology_english.pdf.

282. Quoted in Horsfield and Kennedy, Tofino and Clayoquot Sound, 498.

283. Edgell, “Forest Industry,” 115.

284. See the table on the summary of tree farm licences in Edgell, “Forest Industry,” 120. The Tofino (No. 20) had a productive area of 133,166 hectares, and this constituted 9.6 percent of Vancouver Island’s total percentage. These are 1977 figures.

285. Edgell, “Forest Industry,” 107.

286. Ian S. Mahood, The Land of Maquinna (privately printed, 1971), 2.

287. Andrew Struthers, The Green Shadow (Vancouver: New Star Books, 1995).

288. Horsfield and Kennedy, Tofino and Clayoquot Sound, 501.

289. Horsfield and Kennedy, Tofino and Clayoquot Sound, 497–506.

290. Horsfield and Kennedy, Tofino and Clayoquot Sound, 501.

Chapter 10

291. Stephen Hume, “Park Plan Threat to 1,000 Jobs,” Victoria Times Colonist, December 8, 1984. In 2009 a protocol was signed between the Province of British Columbia and the Haida Nation. Forestry continued on Haida Gwaii but the protocol and other statements and declarations demonstrated that Haida Gwaii was drawing tourists from around the world who came to see old-growth forests, wildlife and Haida culture.

292. Council of the Haida Nation, Athlii Gwaii: Upholding Haida Law at Lyell Island [1985] (Locarno, 2019). See also, Islands Protection Society, ed., Islands at the Edge: Preserving the Queen Charlotte Islands Wilderness (Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 1984).

293. Opening statement by D. Rosenberg, September 30, 1991, Supreme Court of British Columbia; copy in Gough files.

294. MacMillan Bloedel Ltd. v. Mullin; Martin v. R. in Right of B.C. (1985) 61 B.C.L.R. 145, 1985 CanLII 154 (BC CA), [1985] 3 W.W.R. 577 (B.C.C.A.). Available at the Canadian Legal Information Institute website at https://canlii.ca/t/1p6pb.

295. For a resume of these cases, with specific recognition of the importance of Meares Island, see Douglas C. Harris, “A Court Between: Aboriginal and Treaty Rights in the British Columbia Court of Appeal,” BC Studies, no. 162 (Summer 2009): 137–64, esp. 149–50. See also items in next note.

296. Woodward, Native Law, 219; MacMillan Bloedel Ltd. v. Mullin (1984), 61 B.C.L.R. 145 at 154 (C.A.).

297. Woodward, Native Law, 219.

298. Western Canada Wilderness Committee Educational Report 1994, quoted in Ron MacIsaac and Anne Champagne, eds., Clayoquot Mass Trials: Defending the Rainforest (Philadelphia, PA/Gabriola Island, BC: New Society Publishers, 1994), 40.

299. David Pitt-Brooke, Chasing Clayoquot: A Wilderness Almanac (Vancouver: Raincoast Books, 2004), 280.

300. MacIsaac and Champagne, Clayoquot Mass Trials.

301. Among the many publications on the evolution of the British Columbia Aboriginal title and rights issues, cases and decisions, see Woodward, Native Law, most recent edition. See also, for articulate commentary, Maria Morellato, ed., Aboriginal Law Since Delgamuukw (Aurora, ON: Canada Law Book, 2009).

302. Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Foreword, in MacIsaac and Champagne, Clayoquot Mass Trials, vii.

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303. In consequence of Meares Island and the subject expert examinations, findings and reports, “culturally modified trees” became an accepted concept in archaeological/anthropological studies.

304. On this point, see generally Todd McLeish, Return of the Sea Otter: The Story of the Animal that Evaded Extinction on the Pacific Coast (Seattle: Sasquatch, 2018).

305. Judith Lavoie, “Old Growth in the Crosshairs,” Focus Magazine, July 5, 2019, https://www.focusonvictoria.ca/focus-magazine-july-august-2019/old-growth-in-the-crosshairs-r10/.

306. Quoted in Adrian Dorst and Cameron Young, Clayoquot, On the Wild Side (Vancouver: Western Canada Wilderness Committee, 1990), 141.

307. Canadian Press Report in Globe and Mail (Toronto), October 24, 1996.

308. “Biosphere Reserves,” on the UNESCO website, https://en.unesco.org/biosphere.

309. George Francis, Sharmalene Mendis-Millard, and Maureen Reed, with help from Colleen George, Clayoquot Sound Biosphere Reserve: Periodic Review, August 2010, on the Clayoquot Biosphere Trust website, https://clayoquotbiosphere.org/our-biosphere-reserve/periodic-review.

310. Judith Lavoie, “Why is a B.C. Government Agency Violating Old-growth Logging Rules?” Times Colonist (Victoria), October 20, 2019, pp. D1 and D4, https://www.timescolonist.com/islander/why-is-a-b-c-government-agency-violating-old-growth-logging-rules-1.23981779. Originally published by the Narwhal: http://thenarwhal.ca.

311. The results of the investigations were obtained by the Ancient Forest Alliance through a Freedom of Information request, and reviewed by the Narwhal. Quoted in Lavoie, “Why Is a B.C. Government Agency Violating Old-growth Logging Rules?”

312. Quoted in Lavoie, “Why Is a B.C. Government Agency Violating Old-growth Logging Rules?”

313. Jeff Bell, with photos by T.J. Watt, “A Beautiful Forest,” Times Colonist (Victoria, BC) January 13, 2019, D1 and D2.

314. Mason, Long Beach Wild, 192.

315. Pitt-Brooke, Chasing Clayoquot, 4.

316. From “Natural Wonder,” in CAA Magazine, Fall 2015, 26–27, quotation at 27.